Capitalism as Discourse

Brisbane.
The first session here at ANZCA 2009 begins with a paper by Lincoln Dahlberg, whose interest is in the analysis of economic systems by various discourse theories. He begins by noting that Habermas after 1989 gave up on the possibility of post-capitalism, shifting to arguing for a democratic oversight of capitalism instead; critics say that at best this is a weak stance. His separation of spheres between culture and economy is also seen as flawed, according to his critics.

Laclau's theory provides what may be a more cogent theory of capitalism; it dispenses with that binary division, and more explicitly focusses on power and contestation of dominant forces and social relations, providing opportunities for how capitalism may be countered. What does it mean to think of capitalism and contestation in terms of discourse, then? In contrast to Habermas, Lincoln sees discourse as all meaningful practices, ideas, objects, and thus includes the economy in this; capitalism can therefore be seen as a hegemonic discourse in its own right, which positions its subjects. It is ideological in that it has become seen as natural.

Such discourse theory therefore also provides a view towards the contestation of capitalism; this points to the vulnerability of all discourses to challenges and transformations, as they have become evident not least in the context of the current financial crisis. An ethic of openness means continual contestability here - radical democracy can be understood as agonistic pluralism in this context.

Such agonistic pluralism can be constituted through digital media systems as well as through forms of productivity that challenge capitalism even where they are not explicitly communicative (e.g. open source, user-created content). Responses from hegemonic discourses and counter-discourses rely on the drawing of friend/foe frontiers.

Critics have suggested that the rejection of class as a distinctive feature in such discourse give up a fundamental antagonistic position. But just because the politicisation of economy is not the singular starting point doesn't mean that it is not an important element, or that economy is not discursive, Lincoln says.

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